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PROPOSED ANNEXATION OF HAWAII. 



SPEECH 

OF 

HON. JOHN C. BELL, 

OF COLORADO, 

IN THE 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, 

MONDAY, JUNE 13, 1898. 



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SPEECH 

OF 

HON. JOHN 0. BELL 



The House having under consideration the joint resolution (H. Res. 250) to 
provide for annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the United States- 
Mr. BELL said: 

Mr. Speaker: It may be that the whirligig of time has brought 
us around to the point where the very nature of things demands 
that the American civilization shall leaven the less advanced civ- 
ilization of its neighboring islands and those of the distant Orient. 
It may be that the time has come when manifest destiny shall auto- 
matically decree that this exemplary Government shall shed its 
gabardine of justice, impartiality, and equality, and shall join the 
Old World in gormandizing its national greed by absorbing all of 
the smaller governments that come within its reach. 

If that time is here, it photographs a dismal future for the weak 
republics of the Western Hemisphere and for the individual poor 
of our own country. 

The new policy would necessarily break down the cardinal 
landmarks in the Declaration of Independence and make us but a 
part and parcel of the caste-ridden governments of Europe from 
which our forefathers fled. 

If we join in this crusade and invade the Hawaiian Islands we 
must break down the most cherished principle of the Declaration 
of Independence, i. e., "that all governments derive their just 
powers from the consent of the governed." 

It is idle to prattle about the present Government being a re- 
public or desiring to be annexed to the United States. It is well 
known by all who have kept pace with the misfortunes overtaking 
these islands that the present Government is a pure oligarchy 
not representing 10 per cent of the people of the island, and rep- 
resenting practically none of the natives. A republic is a govern- 
ment for and by the people. The first law of a republic is to rest 
3133 3 . 



the power in the people. The Dole Government has taken all 
power from the people, and it is in no sense a government for the 
people. Suffrage or the elective franchise is only given to the 
wealthy, which includes but very few, if any, natives. An 
elector for a senator must have $3,000 in property above his in- 
cumbrances, or must have received a money income of at least 
$900 the year preceding the election. The natives have lost prac- 
tically all of the property of the island. 

Mr. L ANHAM. What proportion of the real estate of the island 
is owned by the supposed 3,000 Americans? 

Mr. BELL. I have the exact figures right here. The Ameri- 
cans and European whites own 1,032,192 acres; the natives own 
257,457 acres. 

Mr. MEEKISON. You do not claim that the Americans who 
went there degenerated as land grabbers? 

Mr. BELL. Yes; they succeeded in getting the most of the 
islands. 

The Europeans and Americans pay $274,516.74 in taxes annu- 
ally, the natives pay but $71,386.82, while the Chinese pay $87,286.10, 
over fifteen thousand more than the natives. 

Mr. LANHAM. Then the Chinese and Japanese and other for- 
eigners already own a great deal of real estate in the islands. 

Mr. BELL. Oh, yes. The Japanese and Chinese own a great 
deal of landfcnd pay a large amount of taxes. 

Mr. LANHAM. The gentleman from Nevada [Mr. Newlands] 
suggested that tiltimately those people would withdraw from the 
islands. 

Mr. BELL. The reports show that they do not withdraw at all. 

Mr. LANHAM. If they own real estate there, what right would 
we have to force them to withdraw? 

Mr. BELL. None. Bear in mind that three-fourths of the 
merchants are Chinamen, not contract laborers, and a great many 
of them are gardeners and farmers and genuine settlers. 

Mr. LANHAM. If we should annex Hawaii, we would have to 
take those Chinese and Japanese with all the rights to real estate 
that they have. Will the gentleman allow me another question? 

Mr. BELL. Yes; certainly. 

Mr. LANHAM. Have you any information as to how titles to 
real estate are derived in Hawaii? 

3438 



Mr. BELL. I suppose from the Government. They have Gov- 
ernment lands there now. 

The Senate of the island is given practically a con trolling 
power in the affairs of the island. There are 31,000 natives, 8,000 
half -breeds, 24,000 Japanese, 15,000 Chinese, 8,000 Portuguese, l,00d 
South Sea Islanders, 3,000 Americans, and 4,000 European whites 
upon the island, the most of the whites being citizens of other 
countries. Under the property qualification of voters, out of the 
109,000 inhabitants there are only a few legal voters. 

The best of evidence has been secured by a personal canvass of 
the natives and of the non- American population, and it has been 
found that at least 90 per cent of the population are praying for 
an independent government. Everyone who has investigated im- 
partially must conclude that the present Government is a usurp- 
ing oligarchy installed under the overawing influence of the ma- 
rines of the American war ships, and that it has no power what- 
ever by the consent of the governed. The governors of the Ha- 
waiian Islands are simply old missionaries and their sons and their 
grandsons and their great-grandsons. And what do they do? 
"Why, sir, my friend from Illinois, the chairman of this commit- 
tee, talks about "the bold assertion of American manhood there." 
I am proud of American manhood. We are the greatest people 
on the face of the earth. But there is nothing about American 
manhood in Hawaii or English manhood in Hawaii commendable 
in their dealings with the natives. 

Mr. Tawney rose. 

Mr. BELL. The gentleman must excuse me. I can not yield 
now; I have not the time. 

Mr. TAWNEY. I simply wanted to correct a misstatement of 
facts. 

THE MONROE DOCTRINE. 

Mr. BELL. We should not be swept off our feet by the great 
victory recently won at Manila or succeeding victories that may 
crown the efforts of our ships and soldiers in the war with Spain. 
We should not for a moment lose sight of the fundamental prin- 
ciples underlying our form of government and the beneficent re- 
sults that they have produced during the last century. 

Kecently, when England threatened to encroach on the terri- 
torial limitations of Venezuela, we arose in our indignation and 



declared that "America is f or Americans. " This carries with it 
the inevitable corollary that Europe is for Europeans and the 
Orient for Orientals. We promptly made a large appropriation, 
and proclaimed to the world that we were ready to pledge our 
blood and our treasure to the maintenance of the Monroe doctrine; 
that is, that no foreign government should oppress any of the 
weak powers on this continent or in the adjacent islands. England 
admitted the validity of our claim and our right to pursue this 
protecting policy. Should we attempt to hold these islands or the 
Philippine archipelago or any other foreign islands, except as a 
security for a war indemnity, such an act would operate ipso facto 
as a renunciation of our further intention to maintain the Monroe 
doctrine, and the act would proclaim to the world that we had 
joined the horde of European greed in attempting to absorb as 
many of the weaker powers of earth as possible. 

It may be said that the Hawaiian Islands more nearly reach 
our shores than they do those of auy other continent, and that 
such annexation would not militate against the Monroe doctrine. 
This may be true, strictly speaking, but it does directly conflict 
with the great principles underlying our former governmental 
policy. We have advertised to the world, by act and by deed, as 
well as by proclamation, that we stand as the friend and pro- 
tector of all weak powers on this continent, including its neigh- 
boring island*. We have boasted of the grand example we have 
set to the world, permitting all other countries to be governed as 
the people should desire. If we take these islands, we must do so 
in spite of the protest of 90 per cent of the people, and in a spirit 
which evinces a change of our colonial policy, and it will be a 
beacon light to lead us on to other acquisitions, until we become 
a part of the great governing powers of the world in aggression 
for territory and spoils. When that day come3 we will represent 
no distinct type of civilization, but will be a part of the mass of 
the European powers, losing all that we have gained for good 
government and a higher civilization through a century of match- 
less progress. 

THE POLITICAL FATALITIES OF ANNEXATION. 

The cardinal doctrine of this Government is that every adulfc 
male citizen above the age of 21 years shall have an equal right at 



the ballot box in choosing officers and in shaping the policy of the 
Government. If we annex Hawaii, we must treat all of the citi- 
zens thereof as political equals and give them the privilege of the 
ballot, or must make another radical change in the policy of our 
Government. 

There are on the islands, according to the last census, 3,086 
Americans, of which 1,975 are males; probably 1,030 of these are 
above the age of 21 years, and therefore legal voters. There are 
40,000 Hawaiians and mixed bloods, and probably 8,000 of these 
are over the age of 21 years; 24,000 Japanese, mostly all males, 
and probably 16,000 of them above the age of 21 years; 15,000 
Chinese; 8,000 Portuguese, and probably 4,000 males above the age 
of 21 years; 1,000 South Sea Islanders, and probably 300 males 
above the age of 21 years; 4,161 white people other than Ameri- 
cans, and probably 1,500 males above the age of 21 years. 

If we pursue our policy, we must allow the male population of 
the islands above that age the privilege of voting. If left to a 
vote of the people of Hawaii, after annexation, the Americans 
will have no voice whatever in the government of the island, ex- 
cept that of an infinitesimal minority. 

"While the people of Hawaii have maintained the most intimate 
trade relations with us and a most trusted friendship, because 
they regarded this Government as the friend and protectorate of 
ail the weak governments of the continent and adjacent islands, 
when it comes to taking the independent Government from the 
island and merging it into our Government every thought and 
sympathy of the great majority of the legal voters will be entirely 
anti- American in governmental policy. It will require a govern- 
ment by the bayonet rather than the ballot to make this hetero- 
geneous people harmonize with our institutions. 

OUR IMPREGNABLE POSITION. 

The great statesmen of the world have conceded our impregna- 
ble position by reason of the solidarity of our territory. We are 
regarded as the greatest land power ever known to the world. 
The very fact that we are unassailable at home and have no out- 
side points requiring a great navy has been the envy of all great 
nations. England has long been mistress of the sea. Her pos- 
sessions dot every country in the world and are largely composed 
0438 



of small islands. These require her to keep up the greatest navy 
of the world. While she kept the greatest navy she could control 
her possessions, but recently she has been weary between two of 
the greatest powers of earth, Russia and the United States. She 
has been secure as long as these powers did not aspire to the 
equipment of a great nav3 T . Sire saw clearly that the moment a 
reasonably large navy was added to one of these great land forces, 
without colonies, her prestige on the seas would fade away. 

A few years ago Russia began filling her war chests with gold 
and building a powerful navy. This at once menaced the suprem- 
acy of the English sea power. The recent occupation of the 
neighboring harbor of Port Arthur, in China, in defiance of the 
protests of England, demonstrated that the zenith of her supremacy 
had passed. The combination in Europe seems against her, and 
now an exposition of the innate weakness of these possessions dis- 
tributed among all lands and climes is made manifest. 

The foreign possessions of Germany have been a curse.to the 
Empire. The foreign possessions of France have been a source of 
annoyance. The foreign possessions of Great Britain have only 
been valuable because of her great sea power and facilities for 
carrying on the commerce between her possessions and the mother 
country. The colonial possessions of Spain are now destroying 
the mother country itself. It is openly admitted by Sagasta and 
others that the colonial possessions have been a curse to the Gov- 
ernment, the only benefit being that they have furnished a select 
few an opportunity to plunder these colonies, as colonial officers. 
The same thing will occur with us should we adopt a colonial 
policy. It will be a curse to the great mass of the people, but it 
will be a blessing to those Americans holding large possessions in 
the islands and to a certain favorite line of politicians who will be- 
come rulers over the unfortunate natives whose possessions we 
covet. 

There is eternal wisdom in the advice of Washington— i. e., 
'•The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is 
in extending our commercial relations, and that we have as little 
political connection as possible." And Jefferson added to it the 
maxim, " Peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all na- 
tions, entangling alliances with none." 
9m 



We are now reaching the very zenith of commercial glory. 
This year our exports will exceed our imports by something like 
$500,000,000 and we will handle a product aggregating from eight 
to ten billions of dollars. We are daily going to the front in 
iron, steel, machinery, breadst'uffs. the precious metals, and every- 
thing that tends to make a coiratry truly great. We are now 
passing all nations in all great staples. We have everything under 
the sun to enable a great people to remain great. We have 
everything in the way of climate outside of the Tropics, and this 
we do not need or want. Our people are a product of a temperate 
, climate, and we can not move them beyond the latitude of 55° 
or within 80° of the equator and maintain the high caste that per- 
vades our homogeneous population. 

Now, a minute ago, my friend, Mr. Perkins, of Iowa, asked a 
very pertinent question of the gentleman from Nevada [Mr, 
Newlands] , "Will the American people thrive and will our form 
of government thrive on that island? " My usually positive friend 
vacillated a little about it. But I say there is not a case in his- 
tory where this civilization has thrived under a tropical sun. The 
American civilization, the European civilization, is an incarna- 
tion of the temperate climate. It can not exist anywhere else. 
The African in Africa has lived through the centuries, but that 
torrid sun has never allowed the front brain to develop. He 
might live there until doomsday and he never could invent an 
alphabet, he never could invent a multiplication table, he never 
could invent an arithmetic, and he never could adopi a repub- 
lican form of government. The scientists have told us that from 
the dawn of civilization there has been a government suitable for 
every clime. Take the extreme north; the government that has 
always controlled best is force. Take the temperate climate, 
where the front brain develops, and they tell us that reason is 
the controlling force there; but take the case of those within 30 
degrees of the equator, and nothing else has ever governed them 
so well as superstition. 

I admit that in Hawaii, on account of topographical reasons, 
you can get every climate that is known to mankind. You can 
ascend the mountains there until you reach a point where it frosts 
in July. But when you come down to tilling the soil, when you 



10 

come down to where the banana grows, when you come down to 
the sugar-cane fields, if you put the white man there it will take 
two or three generations before you get one that will stand the 
climate. And when you get that type you will get a type but 
little better than the native himself. 

Furthermore, I want to say that the entire cultivation of 
Hawaii to-day is by Asiatic labor. You may speculate about the 
American people Americanizing Cuba, Americanizing Puerto 
Rico, Americanizing the Philippine Islands, but it is a mere 
dream. It never can be. And I hope to God the day will never 
come when we shall have a single foot of tropical climate within 
the bounds of this exemplary Government. 

Starting from the seacoast, you may go to an elevation of 500 
feet or 1,000 feet or 1,500 feet; and in this way the topography of 
the country may overcome the geography of the country. When 
you do that, you can have any climate you want. But in going to 
these elevated spots you go away from the cane fields, away from 
the coffee fields, away from the banana fields; you go away from 
the place where the work is done. 

If you annex Hawaii, I expect to see you hold the Philippines. 
I expect to see you hold Puerto Rico, and you will find that they 
will never be Americanized. You know the torrid sun of Austra- 
lia has made the Australian a savage. 
Mr. SULZER." Oh, no. 

Mr. BELL. History shows it. The equatorial Australian is to- 
day a savage. The world knows it. 
Mr. SLAYDEN. Semibarbaric. 

Mr. SULZER. They would not admit that down there. 
Mr. BELL. No, they might not, because they do not know it. 
My friend from Illinois the other day made light of the fact that 
leprosy prevails in those islands. He said it was a very common 
sort of leprosy that did not amount to anything. But in a report 
of the Congregational Church, which has 18,000 members in 
Hawaii, it is shown that leprosy is so bad that the afflicted ones 
are isolated on an island and the Congregational missionaries 
were afraid to visit them. 
Mr. BERRY. On a promontory which was devoted to them. 
Mr. BELL. I say that when you take the islands of Hawaii, 
3J38 



11 

you take from the people their government without the consent 
of the governed. This is a parallel to the Fiji Islanders that our 
friend the gentleman from Missouri [Mr. Clark] feared to 
annex the other day. I beg to say to him that the Speaker of this 
House will never have to fear baing swallowed by a Fiji Island 
representative. The Fiji Islanders have been made slaves to the 
English Crown. The Fiji islander, when he was invaded by the 
whites, had a king who never knew of such a thing as a salary. He 
did not know of such a thing as public corruption. He did not know 
of such a thing as a combination of property. The inhabitants had 
enough to eat and enough to wear in their crude way. But by 
and by when the white man got there, he got this same infernal 
scheme of getting all their best land. Then he got a bank estab- 
lished and a contract that he was to let the government have so 
much money. He then got the idea into the king that he ought to 
have a princely salayr. By and by they could not pay their bills 
and were incarcerated in jail; and by and by they fell at the feet 
of the Queen of England and said, "For heaven's sake, take the 
Government, if you will take us out of jail and keep us out of jail. " 
The Queen did it, and said, "Hereafter you may pay your debts in 
the products of the soil and not in money," and the Fiji Islanders 
are existing in that condition to-day. 

Now, my friends, I want to say to you that the first point I at- 
tempt to make is this, that we are taking the country of these 
natives not because of a necessity, not because of the fact that 
they have begged us to take them and protect them. These pro- 
tectors are a few rich men of our blood, of English and German 
blood. Our friend, Mr. Hitt, of Illinois, I think made a great 
mistake Saturday when he gloated over the fact that in the con- 
stitution of 1887 the manhood of America was shown by the way 
they took hold of the throats of the natives and made them rec- 
ognize Americans. 

I think that was one of the most disgraceful things that an 
American was ever accused of doing. Let us see what they did. 
There was a conspiracy of twenty, who took an oath that any five 
of them at any time who might be chosen would assassinate the 
King of Hawaii. That is not in keeping with the American spirit. 
That is not in keeping with the American doctrine. Then they 



12 

submitted, a constitution to the King cf Hawaii and forced it upon 
him, saying that every man on this island shall be permitted to 
vote, even the foreigners, without interfering with his citizenship 
in his home government. Is that much like the American spirit? 
Who ever heard of such a citizenship being put on a people before? 
American citizens voting in Hawaii and coming home and voting 
in the United States! Germans voting in Hawaii and going to 
Germany and voting again! And that is the constitution that was 
forced upon that Government. I say that that is in conflict with 
every principle of the Declaration of Independence. 

ANNEXATION MAKES AN INVULNERABLE COUNTRY MOST VULNERABLE. 

One of my chief objections to annexation is that it will weaken 
this Government and make an invulnerable country to any Euro- 
pean or Asiatic foe a most vulnerable one. I am aware that some 
men high in Army and Navy ranks contend that the possession of 
these islands would add strength rather than weakness to our na- 
tion. However, such an argument is so inherently weak and illog- 
ical that it carries within itself the elements of its own refutation. 
The islands are 2,083 miles from our shores— almost midway be- 
tween our western border line and the Orient— isolated and ex- 
posed to attack at all times, with no opportunity of receiving aid 
until a sea voyage of 2,083 miles is made. 

It is contended t with some plausibility that this is necessary as 
a coaling station and with it the North Pacific can be completely 
controlled. It is argued that since the great steam war ship has 
displaced the sailing vessel success in war now depends principally 
upon access to coal, and yet these islands have no coal. There is 
no United States coal probably nearer than 3,000 miles. If you pile 
up mountains of coal during times of peace from the territory of 
some of the friendly powers, that will simply make the island a 
more inviting object of attack should we become involved in a 
foreign war. In my opinion, before we finish the present Spanish 
conflict, we will learn that the coal collier floating about upon the 
sea will be the supply point for all the vessels in mid ocean. We 
shall find that friendly nations of one power or another will have 
their great coal ships floating ostensibly to neutral ports, but they 
will be picked up by the enemy, and her vessels supplied, and the 
significance of your island harbors as coaling stations will largely 
fade away. 



13 

Should we own Hawaii it would be a constant menace to our 
great continental tranquillity. The moment a misunderstanding 
should arise between us and a foreign power a menace would be 
made not on the Pacific or Atlantic coasts, where the body of 
our people and our great powers of defense could be reached in a 
few hours, but it would be made at this vulnerable point, in mid 
ocean, some six or seven days' sail from our nearest home port. 
Not only this, but it takes seven or eight weeks to move our ships 
from the eastern part of the United States to our western coast. 
We could not depend upon the support of our naval vessels on the 
Atlantic, and we would be reduced to the dire necessity of not only 
fortifying the island against attack, but we would have to have a 
great Pacific navy kept up at all times. We would be compelled 
to keep, as it were, a great navy for the western coast of tho 
United States. As the present ships are constructed, there is no 
material danger from an enemy in possession of these islands. 
By the time they passed from the islands to our Pacific shores the 
coal of war ships would be practically exhausted and they would 
have to rely upon the floating coal colliers. 

THE LABOR PROBLEM. 

A most unfortunate concomitant of such annexation will be the 
labor problem involved. A few wealthy Americans and European 
whites will own all of the valuable possessions of these islands. 
They will inevitably employ the natives or the poorly paid labor of 
like climates, and will produce untold quantities of the necessaries 
of life, and will pour them into our channels of trade in competi- 
tion with our laboring classes without the payment of tariff, to the 
dire ruin of competing enterprises in this country. Our transpor- 
tation has now reached an efficiency whereby carrying rates are 
insignificant, or would be, from these islands to our shores, and 
would be much less than from the interior of our own country to 
the market places by railroad. 

Again, we have for a century been an example to the world, and 
are entitled to the credit of the great strides made toward a 
higher civilization during the hundred years. We are really a 
composite nation, inviting the citizens of every country, with the 
exception of China, to join with us in developing this higher civili- 
zation. We have, through the influence of our surroundings, and 

3438 



14 

of an unexampled temperate climate, progressed as no other 
country in history has progressed. 

Education has become universal within our limits, pervading 
every class of society. We have untold areas undeveloped and 
awaiting an energetic and thrifty population and the necessary 
means for the development. In our partially developed state 
we produce one-third of the wealth of the world. In the great 
staples we are now becoming the greatest export nation in the 
world. Could we confine ourselves to our own territory during 
the twentieth century as we have during the nineteenth century 
we would have a population of probably 200,000,000 of the most 
intelligent and happy people on the face of the globe. 

When we change our policy to the acquisition of foreign terri- 
tory vulnerable to attack at all times, necessarily inhabited by an 
inferior and unambitious race of people, we take upon ourselves 
not only the responsibilty of protecting them from foreign foes, 
but from domestic insurrection. We take upon ourselves the 
obligation of ruling and controlling a population environed with 
climatic conditions that will never permit them to approach an 
equality or a fitness to assimilate with our race. We invite a 
constant irritant into the heretofore pacific and harmonious con- 
dition of our national life. We will unconsciously and certainly 
pass from our present commendable dominating spirit of civic 
life to the dominating spirit of militarism that must of necessity 
dominate every country that is upheld by a great army and navy. 

MILITARISM. 

The founders of our Government feared the aggressions of the 
military power against the civil more than any other supposed 
enemy of our institutions. 

A martial spirit is innate in man, and in a country like ours, 
where our soldiers and sailors are matchless and the people are 
very proud of their skill and courage, this danger becomes inor- 
dinate. 

The soldier is proverbially reckless and unreliable in business 
affairs, has no appreciation of the value of money nor any dread 
of extravagant debt or taxation. 

The soldier is ever endeavoring to build up and enlarge the 
Army and Navy, and to obtain opportunities to display his skill in 



15 

warfare; therefore it is to be expected that every sailor and every 
soldier will bend every energy for the annexation of Hawaii or 
other points which may furnish hiru opportunity for employment 
or distinction. 

Every owner of a shipyard, coal company, supply company 
handling war munitions will favor annexation. 

Every politician who has an ambition to occupy official position 
in the islands will be for annexation. 

THE GREATNESS OF THE COUNTRY. 

I shall not for one moment contend that if we annex these 
islands, the Philippines, or all the West Indies, this country will 
not thrive. The country and its institutions would continue to 
be augmented, but the individual citizen and his opportunities 
would decay. 

Every year we draw nearer and nearer to the caste system of 
the Old World. No man can look over the military appointments 
recently made because of the social, political, or financial standing 
of young men, many of whom were wholly without qualification 
or experience, without being convinced that an invidious distinc- 
tion has been made against the efficient trained soldier from the 
ordinary ranks of society. In fact, it is common talk even among 
the lads and lasses of the country that applicants for office in the 
Army or Navy must now present their pedigrees, strains of blood, 
or social standing rather than their qualifications for the duties of 
the office. Astonishment is expressed by all classes of society at 
the boldness with which the President tramples upon the sacred 
teachings of the equality of our citizens. 

Ex-Senator Ingalls, a famous Republican, in a recent letter to 
the Globe, says: 

Our boast has been that we have abolished the artificial distinction of birth 
and rank and made merit rather than pedigree the criterion of preferment. 
* * * We must have been wrong, for in the last month we have seen the 
health, well being, comfort, and fighting capacity of 100,000 men; their food, 
clothing, shoes, tents, medicine, arms, ammunition, equipage, and pay, in- 
volving the expenditure of hundreds of millions of dollars and the protection 
of the Government against corrupt and incompetent contractors intrusted 
to youthful and inexperienced civilians for no apparent reason except the 
shameless importunity of influential kinsfolk and greedy politicians with a 
pull. 

Grant's son and his grandson, Logan's son, Blaine's son, Harrison's son, 
Alger's son, Gray's son, McMillan's son, Murphy's son, Mitchell's son, 
Brice's two sons, Hull's son, Lee's son, Strong's son, Sewell's son, Astor's 
3438 



. TRRftRY OF CONGRESS 

■If 

007 190 557 * 



1G 



son, Allison's nephew, and scores of loss conspicuous heroes, illustrate the 
development of political atavism, or intermittent heredity, which is one of the 
most extraordinary features of the past thirty years. 

This and the last Administration have evinced clearly the ap- 
proaching season of caste. Democracy and great wealth have 
never thrived in the same field. In proportion as an individual 
grows wealthy his democracy decays. The individual represents 
the Government in miniature. 

It is my judgment that this war is the blighting season of 
democracy in the United States. Every indication is that the 
United States will unfold itself in the early morning of the 
twentieth century into the greatest military and naval power and 
into the most regal and resplendant aristocracy that the world ever 
beheld. The mentally dwarfed inhabitants of the Tropics will be 
the servants again of those in the temperate climates. The owner- 
ship will not be so complete nor the responsibility so great as 
formerly, but the servitude will be more profitable. The people are 
to blame. They have persistently kept men in power who trampled 
on every principle underlying a republican form of government. 

I shall deprecate the fulfillment of this unwelcome prophecy. I 
shall deprecate the return of slavery in this country, but with the 
annexation of the tropical islands this menial labor will certainly 
be completely controlled and used by their more fortunate breth- 
ren there and here. [Applause.] 
3438 

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